Apr 04

For the last 20 years, the Caledon Institute of Social Policy has played an essential role as an independent and critical voice, providing rich, evidence-based research and analysis to inform public opinion and policy. Its recent 20th anniversary celebration presented a look back, with a look forward, at Canadian public policy.

Caledon’s three principle policy consultants – Ken Battle, Michael Mendelson, and Sherri Torjman – presented a look back, with a look forward, at Canadian public policy. Speakers also included Caledon’s founder Alan Broadbent and Environics President Michael Adams. A wrap-up address by Caledon Board member Tom Barber ended the day.

Videos of these powerful presentations are now available below.

Alan Broadbent: Welcome and Introduction

 

Ken Battle: Architecture of Federal Income Security in Canada, with a commentary by Ken Jackson

 

Sherri Torjman: Social Policy Challenges for Canada, with a commentary by André Picard

 

Michael Mendelson: Is Canada (Still) a Fiscal Union? With a commentary by Richard Simeon

 

Michael Adams: Datacide: Policy in the Dark

 

Tom Barber: Wrap-Up

Related:

Tagged with:
Nov 02

For the last 20 years, the Caledon Institute of Social Policy has played an essential role as an independent and critical voice, providing rich, evidence-based research and analysis to inform public opinion and policy. At its recent 20th anniversary celebration, Caledon’s three principle policy consultants – Ken Battle, Michael Mendelson, and Sherri Torjman – presented a look back, with a look forward, at Canadian public policy.

Here are their presentations:

Architecture of Federal Income Security in Canada
By Ken Battle

Ken BattleA brand new study from the Centre for the Study of Living Standards, The Impact of Redistribution on Income Inequality in Canada and the Provinces, 1981-2010 (PDF), written by our colleague Andrew Sharpe and his associate Evan Capeluck, has arrived just in time for Caledon’s 20th anniversary event. It adds valuable evidence on the redistributive role of the Canadian state – which is the topic of my talk today.

Contrary to what many people believe, government – by means of income taxes and transfers – significantly reduces market income inequality. At last count, 2010, taxes and transfers reduced market inequality by close to one quarter (by 23.7 percent), mostly (70.7 percent) as a result of income security programs, with 29.3 percent due to income taxes. Looking over the long term, from 1981 to 2010, government has made a significant difference, offsetting rising market income inequality by 44 percent.

But Canada could do a lot better.

Read Ken’s complete remarks (PDF).


Disability and the Aging Society: Social Policy Challenges for Canada
By Sherri Torjman

Sherri TorjmanOver the past two decades, Caledon has focused on several aspects of disability including poverty, disability supports and participation in society. Our work will continue to address those issues. We have broadened our scope in recent years to include some distinct, but related, issues around an aging population.

I will discuss disability and the aging society separately. While these areas are linked, they are clearly distinct. The disability community has always warned against confounding disability issues with seniors’ concerns. But there are a few crossover points, especially with respect to community supports.

Read Sherri’s complete remarks (PDF).


Is Canada (still) a fiscal union?
By Michael Mendelson

Michael MendelsonIf the economic commentators are to be believed there is at least one lesson from the never-ending Euro crisis: monetary union without fiscal union is unsustainable. Canada is a monetary union, but are we still a practicing fiscal union? Or has our fiscal union become so weakened that we are now more like the Euro-zone: ten more or less sovereign provinces tied together in a monetary union without effective programs to compensate adequately for fiscal imbalance between the provinces?

Canada is among the most decentralized federations in the developed world. Unlike most federations, our provinces are sovereign in their own areas of jurisdiction, meaning that the federal government cannot override provincial laws. Perhaps more importantly, the provinces also have sovereign taxing power and the ability to tap all significant tax sources. The original Constitution, the British North America Act, intended to give the federal government fiscal supremacy by according it the sole right to levy indirect taxes – mainly customs duties, which at the time were the overwhelming source of government revenue. But things did not turn  out as planned. Custom duties have become trivial in the modern world. In contrast, provinces have sole access to most revenue derived from selling the rights to exploit natural resources. Natural resources have turned into such a significant source of revenue that provinces in aggregate likely now have greater fiscal capacity than the federal government. But provincial resource revenue is extremely unevenly distributed. This uneven distribution of a major source of revenue compounds already unequal economic levels among the provinces, making it doubly difficult for the federal government to address fiscal imbalances – even if it had the will to do so.

Read Michael’s complete remarks (PDF).

Related:

Tagged with:
Aug 12

Ken BattleSherri TorjmanBy Sherri Torjman and Ken Battle. Sherri is vice-president and Ken is president of the Caledon Institute of Social Policy in Ottawa.

There is no excuse for the shocking violence taking place on the streets of London. The rioters and looters have destroyed the livelihoods of many innocent, hard-working people who must now — in their words — “start their lives from scratch.”

While there are no excuses, there certainly are explanations for these angry rampages.

For years, a burgeoning body of international literature has been warning about the potential unrest bubbling beneath the surface of so-called “prosperous” societies. Ironically, the roots of this work derive from a decades-old, landmark study of public servants in the U.K.

The pioneering British research concluded that the psychological and physical damage resulting from being at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder can be devastating. Civil servants in the junior ranks were three times more likely to die in a year than colleagues from senior ranks, with a sliding gradation from top to bottom. Life prospects were far better at the top.

The U.K. results have stood the test of time. Subsequent findings have shown that social status has a powerful effect on health and well-being. Exhaustive evidence from around the world leads to the same conclusion: extreme inequality is bad for both individuals and nations.

Societies marked by significant inequality sooner or later pay the price. Regardless of a nation’s wealth, it will be more dysfunctional, violent and unhealthy from both physical and emotional perspectives if the gap between income groups grows too wide.

Governments ignore this evidence at their peril. As the new safe harbour in the worldwide financial storm, Canadians risk complacency about the state of their own economic waters.

At last count in 2009, close to 3.2 million — one in 10 Canadians — lived on low incomes. This national average masks the fact that certain groups, including aboriginal people, recent immigrants and persons with disabilities, face an even greater risk of poverty. These are the households that spend a disproportionate amount of their limited income on the basics of food, clothing and shelter. Every day is a stressful struggle just to get by. They choose between feeding the kids and paying the rent.

Yet there is more to poverty than just being poor. Who gets how much is an equally crucial factor.

Recent numbers should be a wake-up call to all developed nations. Over the past quarter century, earnings of the wealthy in Canada grew by 16 per cent while those of the poor dropped by 21 per cent. The same pattern of widening divide has been seen throughout the industrialized world.

Governments have a crucial role to play in fighting the growing gap. Fortunately, there are several key levers at their disposal to tackle the problem.

Income security programs and a progressive income tax system narrow the gap between Canada’s poor and well-off by raising low incomes and counteracting the rising inequality rooted in employment earnings, private pensions and investments. The foundations to tackle poverty and inequality do not have to be built — just built upon.

But tackling poverty and inequality are not the only required responses. Implementing measures that target social exclusion is equally important. Social exclusion is a concept that gets very little airtime — except when it rears its ugly head in the form of violent riots.

A sense of exclusion derives from feelings of limited opportunity. There is nothing to gain — and nothing to lose. Those who write off social exclusion as a “woolly concept” of concern only to bleeding hearts must now pay attention — to the bleeding heads on the streets.

Confronting racism and systemic discrimination is a key step. Racialized Canadians, aboriginal people and persons with disabilities have been on the sidebars of society for far too long. Decent affordable housing is a long-acknowledged need. Jobs, recreational opportunities and a voice in local decisions all are vital remedies to tackling social exclusion.

And the solutions must go beyond governments to involve the private sector, voluntary organizations and citizens themselves. Entire communities must be engaged in combatting social exclusion. At the end of the day, bleeding heads are everyone’s business.

Originally published in the Toronto Star commentary section.

Download in PDF format from the Caledon website.

Related links:

Tagged with:
May 17

This online discussion featured Alan Broadbent, Chair, Maytree, who described the power of public policy to transform society, and explored why some ideas resonate with decision-makers. Sherri Torjman, Vice-President, Caledon Institute of Social Policy, highlighted and described a few key recommendations from the policy document.

The publication, Charting Prosperity: Practical Ideas for a Stronger Canada, presents policy proposals intended to contribute to Canada’s prosperity while protecting the country’s most vulnerable. It presents more than 50 ideas, covering five thematic areas:

  1. income support and social security;
  2. democracy and participation;
  3. inclusion and protection;
  4. immigrant and refugee selection; and
  5. diversity and integration.

Find out more and download Charting Prosperity: Practical Ideas for a Stronger Canada.

YouTube Preview Image

Presentation overview

Alan Broadbent

Alan spent some time reflecting on the importance of a policy lens in all the work that Maytree does.

The best way to overcome big issues and problems is to change the way society thinks and acts. It is by tapping into the power of our collective will, and attendant large public budgets, that we can take the great strides forward. The greatest advances in the wellbeing of populations have always come from public measures.

So Maytree has focused on public policy as the biggest lever available to us in building stronger and more equitable societies. It is our view that without a public policy lens on our work, we are just engaging in a plethora of pilot projects which miss that chance to be transformative for more than a relative handful of people. And while I would never scoff at helping a handful of people, it seems more responsible to our public obligations to seek the leverage that could scale up and multiply the positive impact of our work. In our view, that comes from affecting the way we act together.

We at Maytree have clearly embraced this principle, and have put a policy lens on all of our work. Our publication, Charting Prosperity: Practical Ideas for a Stronger Canada, is a view through that lens onto our work at Maytree and in various organizations we support.

Persuasive Policy

Our support of policy work is broad and deep. And it is driven by our clear sense of what makes effective policy, which we think of the three I’s of effective policy:

  • Ideas
  • Instruments
  • Investments

Every policy must be driven by a good idea which holds real promise of positive change, change that will improve the lives of people and communities. Those good ideas must be embedded in instruments that will work, that can be implemented successfully, and that won’t encounter insurmountable political barriers. The instruments must be something that governments, or businesses, can say “yes” to. And there must be investment to make it happen, either investment by governments for public policy, by business for changes to corporate employment or social engagement policy, or by institutions.

Ideas, Instruments, and Investments must all be in place, and trying to achieve change without all three being present is terribly difficult.

Paying attention to policy is paying attention to the biggest lever for change you will have. Get good at it.

Sherri Torjman

Caledon’s policy recommendations fall into three main categories, which can be useful for anyone working on policy:

Incremental - change to an existing measure, such as:

  • increased benefits in both absolute and/or relative terms (i.e., amount and relative to cost of living)
  • extension of benefits (i.e., duration)
  • expanded eligibility

Example: incremental reform: improve the Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB)

Structural – more complex

  • introduction of a new program or benefit to an existing system
  • significant redesign of an existing measure
  • extension of an existing measure to a new population

Example: structural reform: make refundable the caregiver tax credit and the infirm dependant tax credit

Architectural - working at the system level

  • reconfiguration of several related programs or benefits, could include shift in jurisdictions of responsibility
  • introduction of new measures
  • associated incremental and structural reforms of existing measures

Example: architectural reform: implement a Basic Income Plan for Canadians with severe disabilities

There are good policy precedents from around the world that can help us to make the case for some of the work we’re doing here.

Q&A

Alan and Sherri took questions for the final 30 minutes of the webinar.

How does Maytree choose projects? What makes a program interesting or important to support?

It has to be in Maytree’s general mandate of anti-poverty work, has to be innovative, and has high likelihood of impact/solution to the presenting problem. It’s important that any proposals or ideas that are brought to Maytree must include ideas about instruments that would be effective, costs of these solutions and who would bear these costs.

We use an analytical framework to assess any proposal (similar to the previously mentioned three I’s of effective policy) – ideas, plan and people. The idea has to be a good idea, with competitive advantage, that has a good chance to be an effective solution to a set of problems. There has to be a good and credible plan in place of how you’re going to get traction around that idea. We have to have faith that the people involved can actually achieve this.

Maytree is most interested in solutions. We have to go beyond a “culture of complaint”, and working with others to innovate solutions and bring forward ways to solve problems.

If there was one idea that could be implemented now from Policy Insights that would have the most impact, which would you choose?

Alan – Extending the municipal vote to permanent residents is an idea whose time has come. You shouldn’t have taxation without representation. People paying taxes in a jurisdiction should be able to cast a vote for the leaders who are going to be spending that money. Find out more (PDF).

Sherri – Increases to Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB). People experience the difficulties of trying to make ends meet with rapidly rising costs. There is a general sympathy to advance this policy proposal.  At the same time, having other jurisdictions on board with provincial poverty reduction strategies gives WITB some momentum. They are looking to changes at the federal level in order to effect their own proposed reforms  and would view  favourably that sort of change. Find out more (PDF).

Can you comment on handling issues where one jurisdiction believes it is another’s issue (i.e., provincial, federal responsibilities) and vice versa to lead to inaction?

Alan – It is a huge issue in Canada. Very often when governments want to avoid doing something, it’s a good stalling technique. Regarding the opportunistic nature of policy windows opening and closing, it’s very difficult to predict when you’ll get both political and public service alignment. When you involved other jurisdictions, the complexity increases yet again.

Sherri – This happens very often in social policy. There is a great advantage, in this case, to embarking on architectural reform, where you really are talking about federal and provincial/territorial governments coming together to resolve a common issue. If it’s possible to get your concern raised at one of the many federal-provincial/territorial  tables on the particular issue, that can be very helpful  to ensure joint action.

There is a growing gap between the haves and have-nots, which requires a shift at the values level in the economy (e.g., the presumption that maximizing growth is a first principle). What do you suggest for addressing a values-based, structural problem?

Sherri – Before you propose specific reforms, you need to  talk about values. Caledon has  put forward documents that speak to the issue of values, such as “Reclaiming our Humanity.” Values form the foundation and basis for a caring society.

Social and economic well-being are intrinsically linked. We’re seeing more and more research coming out in mainstream research, from groups like the OECD.  We need to  build on these arguments to continue to make clear links between economic and social well-being.
The growing importance of measures like the well-being and happiness indices helps build the values case. . Some of this work is being done by top economists and is gaining traction.

The recent book The Spirit Level documents the outcomes and high costs of inequality. We can work this evidence into the values-based narrative to help show the serious personal and societal problems associated with widening inequality.

Alan – It’s important to have a narrative on values and for groups to be clear, in public, about what their values are. Frank Sharry talks about the importance of volume and velocity in communications (http://maytree.com/blog/?p=1698). If we don’t do that, someone else will do that for us. In policy terms, it’s not enough to do this. However, it’s important to recognize that decision-makers we’re seeking to influence are not going to spend a lot of time with value statements/narratives. They want to be brought something they can say yes to, not just problems. While we must make the values argument, we must also come up with the short and pointed policy proposal that can be implemented and will work.

How will the new makeup of Parliament affect which policy ideas will gain traction? Is this an opportunity?

Alan – It’s unpredictable. The best we can do is to be ready with our policy work, be persistent, to be ready to take advantage of policy windows when they open.

Sherri – There may be some opportunities we can see in the current context. Proposals that involve many players, including the private and voluntary sector, ideas around social innovation and social finance appear to be of interest to the current federal government. It’s also important to look at government not only with the policy measures that they can create and put forward, but also the kinds of enabling environments that they can help create for voluntary and private sector groups to do their work well..

There is also significant work to be done to help governments understand how they can enable  us to do our work  – e.g., removing restrictions to charities and educing administrative barriers.  .

What advice would you give to nonprofits that are just getting started in policy?

Alan – It’s critical to (and Caledon does this very well) start with data and a strong analysis that is based in data, not start with a bunch of opinions. The reason for that is that when you get near the end of the road of the policy process, when a government is seriously looking at implementing your policy recommendations, if it turns out that you were wrong about the data they will not only not implement, but won’t listen to you again.

Sherri – We have found it helpful  to supplement the data with stories, by talking with  people and finding out what’s going on in their lives.  We then try  to move those private troubles into private issues. Part of our role is to understand the situation of someone living  a certain problem and translate that into policy terms – moving the practical into the policy.

A combined approach with data and qualitative information, such as focus groups and  meetings, can help to make policy recommendations that will actually have an impact on peoples’ daily lives.

Tagged with:
May 13

What is an adequate minimum wage in Canada?

Restoring Minimum Wages in Canada is a new report from The Caledon Institute of Social Policy.

Ken Battle At its core, the report’s author, Ken Battle, argues that the provincial and territorial governments should work through a transparent, collaborative process with key actors that include business, labour, experts and social groups. They should define what constitutes an adequate minimum wage (e.g., equal to the poverty line, or a percentage of average earnings) and how to protect its value over time through some form of indexation (e.g., to the cost of living, or to the change in average earnings).

As can be expected, the report is heavy on numbers and trends. But Ken goes beyond the statistics to point out the important nuances that should lead any policy action on minimum wages.

Let us break the report down a bit.

The report looks at minimum wages across Canada between 1965 and 2010. Figure 1 shows the national average during that time period.

Figure 1 National Average Minimum Wage, in constant 2010 dollars, 1965-2010

Between 2003 and 2010, the national average minimum wage increased by 18.6 percent in real terms, from $7.85 to $9.31. However, in 2010 it was still 90 cents below the mid-1970s high of $10.21 in 1976.

That’s not good.

Figure 2 shows the trend in the national average minimum wage expressed as a percentage of average earnings. The overall pattern is similar to the value of the minimum wage over time.
Figure 2 National Average Minimum Wage, as percentage of average earnings, 1965-2010

Ken Battle suggests that “Setting and sustaining minimum wages, then, is no easy task. Ideally, the provincial and territorial governments should – in conjunction with key actors including business, labour, experts and social groups – work together to define what constitutes an adequate minimum wage and how to protect its value over time through some form of indexation, as is done for most social programs. In reality, though, most governments likely will continue to pursue the politics of adhocery when it comes to the contentious matter of establishing minimum wage rates.”

The good?

Minimum wages have risen in recent years in every jurisdiction except British Columbia. But BC just announced an end to its freeze on the province’s minimum wage, starting with an increase on May 1, 2011.

However, and this is a key observation, Ken suggests that “The recent increase in minimum wages in all jurisdictions (except British Columbia) is due in part to the creation of poverty reduction strategies. Starting in Quebec and then Newfoundland and Labrador, poverty reduction strategies – comprehensive and far-reaching plans to reduce, prevent and eliminate poverty – have been launched by all provinces and territories except Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia.”

These strategies have focused attention on the importance of minimum wages and have been an important factor in rising minimum wage rates throughout Canada. That being said, the author acknowledges that the “minimum wage is only one tool among many required to build an effective poverty reduction strategy, but is crucial to the task.”

How does Canada compare?

United States

Five Canadian jurisdictions had lower minimum wages than the US federal rate in 2010. The other eight Canadian jurisdictions had higher minimum wages than the US federal rate. Canada’s highest minimum wage in 2010 – Ontario – ranked third highest in Canada and the US.

OECD countries

Canada ranks mid-pack internationally in terms of minimum wage rates but poorly when comparing minimum wages with average wages.

In a comparison with the UK model (which the author acknowledges is not an apples-to-apples comparison), Ken urges Canada’s federal, provincial and territorial governments “to undertake the research, deliberation and consultation required to define, achieve and sustain an adequate minimum wage. And, to borrow a term from the UK, Canada’s minimum wage boards should expand their purview from minimum wages to low wages generally, to get a better grasp of the size, characteristics and dynamics of this country’s working poor.”

Should the minimum wage be indexed to inflation?

An important design feature of income security programs such as old age pensions, the
Canada and Quebec Pension Plans, Employment Insurance and child benefits is provision to protect benefits from increases in the cost of living, typically by automatically adjusting them annually to the increase in the Consumer Price Index. Failure to fully index programs results in eroding their value over time in a manner that is not transparent to the public (who typically do not have an accurate sense of the difference between current and constant dollars).

Unfortunately, most governments’ prefer adhocery in setting their minimum wage rates. “Governments like the flexibility that comes with adhocery: Depending on their political and economic priorities, they can reduce their minimum wage by freezing the rate; de facto index the rate by adjusting it to inflation or wages; or increase the rate by raising it by more than inflation or wages. Jurisdictions in Canada have among them employed all three of these methods over the years.”

As it turns out, an unindexed national average minimum wage turned out to be higher over the long term (1965 to 2010) than it would have been under either indexation method (indexed to the cost of living or indexed to the change in average earnings). So, an adhoc approach to setting the minimum wage seems to be working, right?

Not so fast, says Ken.

“There is a missing part to this puzzle. No method of indexation will produce a satisfactory outcome if the minimum wage rate itself is inadequate. Minimum wage rates in 1965 were not adequate, as evidenced by their rapid growth from 1965 to 1975; just indexing the 1965 early rates to the cost of living could not have produced an adequate minimum wage over the years.”

The author wonders: “What would the two indexation methods produce if we started with a higher minimum wage? We repeated the analysis using a different time frame – starting at 1976 or 1977, depending on the jurisdiction, which was the highest minimum wage in the early period.”

The result: “Overall, then, indexing – whether to the cost of living or the change in average earnings – works if there is an adequate minimum wage to begin with. So that raises the question of what constitutes an adequate minimum wage – an issue that has received surprisingly little public debate or analysis.”

Ken outlines two different approaches:

  1. set the minimum wage rate so that it equals (or exceeds) the poverty line.
  2. target each jurisdiction’s minimum wage to a certain proportion (e.g., half) of average earnings Both of these have indexing built in the first to inflation, the second to the change in average earnings)

But, as the report states, there’s that “adhocery” issue: “While there has been growth in indexation in recent years, the majority of jurisdictions in the US and Canada still do not index their minimum wages: Of the 50 US jurisdictions with minimum wages, 40 do not index their rates. Of the 13 Canadian jurisdictions, only two index or plan to index their minimum wage rates.”

So, what now?

Minimum wages are once again on the rise in all provinces and territories.

But Ken warns, “history shows that what goes up can later go down when it comes to minimum wage rates.”

In an earlier report, Caledon  recommended that the provincial, territorial and federal governments establish a task force (ensuring extensive public input) to examine the functions and adequacy of minimum wages [Battle and Torjman 2002].  Its new report urges governments to expand their work beyond minimum wages to include low incomes generally.”To undertake this work, we urge jurisdictions to develop minimum wage boards along the lines of the UK’s Low Pay Commission, and create a provincial/territorial/federal task force on low incomes to share their knowledge and experience.”

Further reading:

Tagged with:
Apr 29

Ken Battle is President of the Caledon Institute. Sherri Torjman is Vice-President of the Caledon Institute. Michael Mendelson is Senior Scholar at the Caledon Institute.

Maytree’s yearly Policy Insights document presents policy proposals prepared by Maytree, its partners and grantees. These recommendations make up the three important “I”s of public policy: ideas, instruments, and investments. They each identify a powerful idea to improve the life of Canadians, the instruments which will be effective in creating that improvement, and the investments that must be made to operationalize the instruments. These recommendations build on the power and potential of public services, and the resiliency of Canadians. You can read a summary of recommendations and download the complete collection of Policy Insights in PDF format. Please share and distribute to your networks.

Register for Maytree Policy Insights 2011 - Report Release Webinar on Eventbrite

An estimated three million Canadians act as unpaid or informal caregivers. They provide care and assistance to family members and friends in need of support because of physical, cognitive or mental health conditions.

Caregiving is not new. Family members and friends have long taken care of each other when an individual requires intensive assistance because of aging, illness or disability. What is new is the fact that this issue is receiving more public attention.

First, rising health costs are forcing governments to look at community-based options as an alternative to the traditional health care system. Hospitals, in particular, are overcrowded and unable to cope expeditiously with emergencies as well as surgical and other procedures. The problem has been exacerbated by concerns about Canada’s preparedness to meet the long-term care needs of an aging population.

Second, despite the recession, employers have identified labour shortages in certain sectors of the economy. As the population ages and retires, they will need to compete for relatively scarce talent. Employers are recognizing that they must pay more attention to the personal needs of their employees, such as flexible work schedules that help accommodate caregiving responsibilities.

Finally, caregiver concerns are also gaining political traction. The Parliamentary Committee on Palliative and Compassionate Care recently held hearings on a wide range of issues related to caregiving.

Make refundable the caregiver and infirm dependant tax credits

In recognition of the unique financial pressures facing caregivers, the federal government provides some tax relief through two specific measures. The caregiver credit reduces federal income tax for individuals providing care in their home for a low-income infirm adult relative, or a parent or grandparent age 65 and over with a low income. The infirm dependant credit gives tax relief to individuals providing support to a low-income adult infirm dependent relative, who may live in a separate residence. The amount of both credits in 2011 is $4,282, which reduces federal income taxes by a maximum $642.

Governments have often talked about increasing the amount of these tax credits. But a modest hike would make only a miniscule dent in personal debt, since caregivers get income tax savings worth only 15 percent of the amount of these credits. A small increase would barely make a difference to taxpayers who now qualify – and would be of no help at all to those who do not.

A preferred option would be to make these tax credits refundable. This means that households too poor to pay income tax would receive some money from the government to help offset their caregiving costs. Alternatively, Ottawa could turn the tax credits into a modest caregiver allowance that would assist all caregiving households. The United Kingdom and Australia, for example, pay a small cash benefit to the family caregiver of individuals requiring chronic at-home care.

Further reading:

Reports:

Tagged with:
Apr 27

Ken Battle is President of the Caledon Institute. Sherri Torjman is Vice-President of the Caledon Institute. Michael Mendelson is Senior Scholar at the Caledon Institute.

Maytree’s yearly Policy Insights document presents policy proposals prepared by Maytree, its partners and grantees. These recommendations make up the three important “I”s of public policy: ideas, instruments, and investments. They each identify a powerful idea to improve the life of Canadians, the instruments which will be effective in creating that improvement, and the investments that must be made to operationalize the instruments. These recommendations build on the power and potential of public services, and the resiliency of Canadians. You can read a summary of recommendations and download the complete collection of Policy Insights in PDF format. Please share and distribute to your networks.

Register for Maytree Policy Insights 2011 - Report Release Webinar on Eventbrite

There are approximately 113,000 school-aged aboriginal children and youth living on reserves. About 40 percent travel outside of their communities to attend school, while the majority attend on-reserve.

While some on-reserve schools are providing a high quality education, many struggle, and the result is that overall high school completion rates are low, and the gap between the educational attainment of aboriginal students and the general population is increasing. Since failure to complete high school is associated with lower wages and poorer health, low levels of educational achievement has important social and economic consequences.

There is growing recognition that reform of education is an urgent and critically important challenge to ensure opportunity and success for Aboriginal Canadians.

Implement systemic reform of education on First Nations reserves

The first step in achieving “Indian Control of Indian Education” was for the federal government to cede control over First Nations education, and this has largely been done. But the second and more crucial step is for First Nations to step into the vacuum and create the necessary organizational and financial infrastructure for a highquality education system, and this has not been done.

Despite many First Nations attempts to establish needed educational infrastructure, only bits and pieces of an education system have so far been set up on various reserves across Canada. For the most part, the major elements of an education system for First Nations are missing.

The solution proposed by the Caledon Institute is for a new Act of Parliament which would allow First Nations that wished to do so to establish properly funded First Nations school boards with clear legal empowerment and the necessary regional educational agencies to support them – called a First Nations Education Act.

Further reading:

Tagged with:
Apr 25

Ken Battle is President of the Caledon Institute. Sherri Torjman is Vice-President of the Caledon Institute. Michael Mendelson is Senior Scholar at the Caledon Institute.

Maytree’s yearly Policy Insights document presents policy proposals prepared by Maytree, its partners and grantees. These recommendations make up the three important “I”s of public policy: ideas, instruments, and investments. They each identify a powerful idea to improve the life of Canadians, the instruments which will be effective in creating that improvement, and the investments that must be made to operationalize the instruments. These recommendations build on the power and potential of public services, and the resiliency of Canadians. You can read a summary of recommendations and download the complete collection of Policy Insights in PDF format. Please share and distribute to your networks.

Ensuring that Canadians who are temporarily unemployed do not spiral into poverty is an important social policy goal. Yet income security benefits for adults, notably welfare and Employment Insurance, fail to meet the needs of Canadians who are out of work or part of the working poor.

Employment Insurance has undergone some temporary changes to help Canadians cope with the recession. The 2009 federal budget announced that current EI beneficiaries, and those who lost their jobs in 2009 and 2010 and meet the eligibility requirements, would draw benefits for an extra five weeks, up to a maximum of 50 weeks. After the budget, the federal government reform was extended, by up to 20 weeks, for some recipients.

Ottawa also extended EI benefits for persons participating in longer-term training; lengthened the duration of benefits for some workers on a reduced work week to avoid layoffs; and added severance and termination pay to the Wage-Earner Protection Program for wages owed to workers by a non-paying employer following bankruptcy, up to an amount equaling four weeks of maximum insurable earnings.

Welcome as these measures were, they failed to address the Achilles heel of Employment Insurance, that most are not eligible for coverage – five in 10 of the unemployed. These temporary improvements help workers who qualify for Employment Insurance, but they do nothing at all for the majority of jobless Canadians, who do not receive EI.

In addition, Canadians who work but remain below the poverty line – the working poor – have received little assistance from government. The federal government took an important step toward rectifying this situation in its 2007 Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB). At Caledon’s urging, Ottawa beefed up the program in its second year.

Make improvements to the Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB) over time so that it extends higher up the income ladder and becomes a major income support for Canadians who work at minimum and low wages

An innovative addition to federal income security architecture – the Working Income Tax Benefit (WITB) – was put in place in 2007. WITB has two major objectives – to reduce disincentives to work for Canadians stuck behind the welfare wall, and to enhance incentives to employment among the working poor (who, despite making up about half the low-income population, have received short shrift from governments for many years).

However, in its first year, WITB’s benefits were set at such a low level and the program was targeted so far down the income scale that it excluded many of the working poor.

The 2009 federal budget boosted the Working Income Tax Benefit to address key weaknesses of the original program – its lean payment and its exclusion of full-time workers earning low wages. For single workers, the maximum benefit rose from $522 in 2008 to $925 in 2009, for a substantial increase of 77.2 percent. Benefits continue to phase in above earnings of $3,000, but are reduced at the rate of 25 percent instead of 20 percent under the old design.

The maximum payment, $925, goes to workers earning between $6,700 and $10,500. Above $10,500, benefits are reduced at the rate of 15 percent (the same as before), ending at $16,667 (as opposed to $13,081 in its original form).

Further reading:

Tagged with:
Apr 15

Ken Battle is President of the Caledon Institute. Sherri Torjman is Vice-President of the Caledon Institute. Michael Mendelson is Senior Scholar at the Caledon Institute.

Maytree’s yearly Policy Insights document presents policy proposals prepared by Maytree, its partners and grantees. These recommendations make up the three important “I”s of public policy: ideas, instruments, and investments. They each identify a powerful idea to improve the life of Canadians, the instruments which will be effective in creating that improvement, and the investments that must be made to operationalize the instruments. These recommendations build on the power and potential of public services, and the resiliency of Canadians. You can read a summary of recommendations and download the complete collection of Policy Insights in PDF format. Please share and distribute to your networks.

An estimated 4.4 million Canadians live with a disability. Within this large population, there is a great deal of variation. Some people are born with a disabling condition, such as spina bifida. Others acquire a disability, such as multiple sclerosis, in the course of their lifetime. Still others may become disabled as a result of an accident. Many individuals experience impairment in function due to the effects of aging; vascular dementia is just one example.

Regardless of cause, people with disabilities are less likely to work than Canadians without disabilities and, when they do work, less likely to have a full-time year-round job. As a result, persons with disabilities often have no choice but to rely on various income security programs for most or all of their income. The problem is that the current disability income system is an inadequate and complicated patchwork.

With the exception of some incremental improvements to disability tax benefits delivered through the income tax system in recent years (e.g., the Disability Tax Credit), there has not been much movement in policies and programs for Canadians with disabilities. The Caledon Institute was commissioned by the Council for Canadians with Disabilities and the Canadian Association for Community Living to undertake a project looking at fundamental reforms to disability income programs and supports and services for Canadians with disabilities. The elements of that reform proposal are outlined here.

Implement a Basic Income Plan for Canadians with severe disabilities

Despite billions of dollars spent on a complex assortment of social benefits, many working-age Canadians with disabilities end up desperately poor and trapped on welfare – the dead-end default program of last resort. Caledon’s proposed Basic Income Plan for Canadians with severe disabilities would revolutionize income support and services. The plan has three parts.

The foundation of this plan is a proposed new federal Basic Income program that would replace provincial/territorial social assistance for most working-age persons with severe disabilities. The Basic Income program would be modelled on the long-established Guaranteed Income Supplement for low-income seniors. Benefits would be set to equal the combined Old Age Security (OAS) and Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) payments, which effectively have eliminated the deepest poverty among the elderly. In 2010, single seniors with no other income receive an annual OAS/GIS maximum of $14,044, so the Basic Income program would pay the same. As in OAS and GIS, the new disability income program would be adjusted quarterly in line with the Consumer Price Index.

The second reform is to convert the existing non-refundable Disability Tax Credit into a refundable Disability Tax Credit that would extend financial compensation for the extra costs of disability to the lowest-income people with disabilities. The refundable credit would pay $2,000 through the income tax system to every person eligible for the Disability Tax Credit.

The third reform deals with supports and services, which are necessities allowing persons with disabilities to function on a daily basis. The two federal income security initiatives described above would free up funding for the provinces and territories to set up a coherent, comprehensive system of supports and services for those with disabilities.

Further reading:

Tagged with:
Apr 13

Ken Battle is President of the Caledon Institute. Sherri Torjman is Vice-President of the Caledon Institute. Michael Mendelson is Senior Scholar at the Caledon Institute.

Maytree’s yearly Policy Insights document presents policy proposals prepared by Maytree, its partners and grantees. These recommendations make up the three important “I”s of public policy: ideas, instruments, and investments. They each identify a powerful idea to improve the life of Canadians, the instruments which will be effective in creating that improvement, and the investments that must be made to operationalize the instruments. These recommendations build on the power and potential of public services, and the resiliency of Canadians. You can download the complete collection of Policy Insights in PDF format. Please share and distribute to your networks.

Early learning, child care services and child benefits are essential components of reducing child poverty and helping parents with the cost of raising children. They equally are core elements of economic policy as they invest in the critical first years of human capital development and enable parents to work or study.

Yet, family policy providing supports for parents and children is at a standstill. The abolition of the Early Learning and Child Care Agreements by the federal government left the provinces and territories without the funding they had been counting on to invest in their early learning and child care systems.

The federal government touted its new Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB) as a child care initiative, but such a modest cash benefit cannot provide a substitute for the availability of quality child care. They also revived the non-refundable child tax credit, which excludes poor families. These two programs have needlessly complicated federal child benefits, made them less effective, and confused many parents.

The tight fiscal situation confronting both the federal and provincial/territorial governments will make it hard over the next few years to advance family policy. The government will likely be hesitant to boost the Canada Child Tax Benefit by axing the Universal Child Care Benefit and non-refundable child tax credit – out of fear that this might prove politically unpopular, especially among high-income families who do not qualify for the CCTB but do get cash from the other two programs.

Increase the Canada Child Tax Benefit to $5,000.

The largest federal child benefit, the Canada Child Tax Benefit, boasts several strong features. It is a non-stigmatizing, inclusive and non-taxable program that reaches the large majority of families (nine in ten), excluding only those with high incomes. It is portable, providing an assured supplement to income no matter where families live or work – or do not work, in the case of families receiving Employment Insurance, social assistance or other benefits.

It is progressive, payments declining as incomes rise. It provides the same amount to all families with the same level of income, regardless of the source of that income, the province or territory in which they live or their family type. The Canada Child Tax Benefit has enjoyed substantial increases over the years, from a maximum $1,605 in 1998 to $3,436 in 2010 – significant progress towards the target of $5,000 proposed by the Caledon Institute and endorsed by social groups.

A $5,000 Canada Child Tax Benefit would reduce the family poverty rate by a full percentage point.

This investment should be funded in part by abolishing the Universal Child Care Benefit and non-refundable child tax credit.

Further reading:

Tagged with:
preload preload preload